Turkish port authorities have begun quietly asking shipping agents to submit letters declaring that vessels have no ties to Israel and are not carrying sensitive cargo bound for the country, two shipping sources told Reuters. The informal instructions, delivered verbally by harbour masters without any official circular, mark. But critics say it follows a familiar pattern in President Tayyip Erdoğan’s approach: fiery rhetoric abroad, symbolic gestures at home, and loopholes wide enough to keep trade flowing.
Turkey suspended $7 billion in annual trade with Israel in May 2024, a decision Erdoğan hailed as a moral duty in the face of what he called genocide in Gaza. Yet throughout the rest of the year, Turkish goods and fuel continued to reach Israel. Cargo was re-routed through third countries, shipments were mislabeled as bound for Palestinian territories, and crude tankers sailing from Turkey’s Ceyhan terminal were observed switching off tracking devices at sea. UN trade data published in May 2025 still ranked Turkey among Israel’s top suppliers, exposing the gulf between the embargo announcement and its enforcement.
The new requirement aims to close some of those gaps. Shipping sources said that port officials are now demanding written guarantees that vessels’ owners, managers, and operators have no Israeli links, and that no explosives, radioactive material, or military cargo bound for Israel are on board. One source said ships arriving directly from Israel or departing for Israeli ports would not be allowed to dock at Turkish ports. Turkish-flagged vessels are also barred from calling at Israeli ports, according to instructions from Kocaeli port authorities. The transport ministry did not respond to requests for comment.
The change follows months of pressure at home and abroad. Turkish activists staged port protests in late 2024 and into 2025, accusing the government of hypocrisy for denouncing Israel while allowing cargo and oil to pass. International campaigns such as “Stop Fueling Genocide” tracked shipments from Ceyhan to Israel, shaming officials who had already committed to a trade halt. The new paperwork requirement, however, remains informal, leaving plenty of room for selective enforcement.
Erdoğan has cast Turkey as one of Israel’s fiercest critics, repeatedly accusing it of genocide — a charge Israel rejects. In July, Ankara signed onto a six-point action plan at the Bogotá Conference on Palestine, pledging to halt military exports to Israel, block weapons transit through its territory, and support war crimes cases at the International Criminal Court. Although initially hesitant over maritime legal concerns, Turkey later announced it would fully endorse the plan. Yet past practice casts doubt on whether these commitments will amount to more than declarations. For years, Ankara has used the Palestinian cause as political theatre, amplifying its rhetoric on the world stage while preserving underlying commercial ties with Israel.
For Erdoğan, the credibility test is sharper than ever. As scholars and rights groups increasingly describe Israel’s campaign in Gaza as genocide, Turkey risks being seen as complicit if its ports and oil terminals remain conduits for Israeli supply. The gap between Ankara’s words and actions is widening, critics say, and the government’s moral authority is eroded each time oil tankers sail from Turkish shores while the president condemns Israel from the podium.
For now, the embargo looks louder in speeches than at the docks.
