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On October 7, in a last-minute move, the Turkish government submitted an appeal to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) challenging a recent ruling that the continued imprisonment of Kurdish politician Selahattin Demirtaş is unlawful Ankara waited until the final day of the deadline to lodge its objection, a decision that delays compliance with the ECtHR’s call to free…
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On October 7, in a last-minute move, the Turkish government submitted an appeal to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) challenging a recent ruling that the continued imprisonment of Kurdish politician Selahattin Demirtaş is unlawful Ankara waited until the final day of the deadline to lodge its objection, a decision that delays compliance with the ECtHR’s call to free Demirtaş after nearly nine years behind bars. This eleventh-hour appeal comes despite mounting international pressure and repeated European court decisions condemning Demirtaş’s detention as politically motivated. It also comes at a moment of deep soul-searching in Turkey about how to resolve the Kurdish issue. Ironically, the insistence on keeping Demirtaş locked up may have less to do with Ankara’s own strategic interests and more to do with the wishes of another imprisoned figure: Abdullah Öcalan, the founder of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). As Turkey gropes for a lasting peace, it must recognize that its future security and unity are better served by embracing democratic and popular leaders like Demirtaş rather than deferring to the grudges of an aging insurgent leader. Öcalan’s Rivalry with Demirtaş: The Unspoken Motive It is increasingly evident that the strongest desire to see Demirtaş remain in prison comes not from Turkey’s courts or government, but from İmralı Island – the prison holding PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan. Öcalan has long viewed Selahattin Demirtaş as a rival within the Kurdish political movement and has openly criticized him in ways that mirror this rivalry. In newly revealed comments from prison, Öcalan blasted Demirtaş’s famous 2015 slogan “Seni başkan yaptırmayacağız” (“We will not let you become president”) – a pointed jab at President Erdoğan – calling it a “mistake” and a strategic error. He argued there was no need to confront Erdoğan so directly and chided Demirtaş for narrowing the Kurdish movement’s political strategy with such a combative stance. This rare rebuke from Öcalan lays bare his resentment of Demirtaş’s approach and hints at personal animosity: Demirtaş’s bold, democratic challenge to Erdoğan’s power in 2015 not only infuriated the Turkish president, it also irked Öcalan, who evidently saw it as a move made without approval and contrary to his strategic line. Indeed, President Erdoğan himself once remarked on “a power struggle between Demirtaş and Öcalan”, even suggesting that Öcalan felt “betrayed” by Demirtaş’s independent political maneuvers. In June 2019, on the eve of Istanbul’s pivotal mayoral rerun election, Erdoğan noted Öcalan’s displeasure that Demirtaş and the pro-Kurdish HDP were supporting the opposition candidate against the ruling party. Öcalan had, through a state-broadcast letter, urged the HDP to remain “neutral” in that election – widely seen as an attempt to undercut Demirtaş’s strategy of aligning with Turkey’s broader opposition. As Erdoğan described it, Öcalan believed Demirtaş “betrayed him,” and “because of this betrayal, has a certain attitude towards them” – “them” meaning Demirtaş and the HDP. These words underscore that Öcalan harbors a deep grudge: he perceives Demirtaş’s rise as a challenge to his own primacy over the Kurdish cause. The rivalry goes even further. During recent contacts with Kurdish political delegations, Öcalan has reportedly refused to even utter Demirtaş’s name. Prominent Turkish columnist Fatih Altaylı relayed an intriguing detail: in meetings with the new pro-Kurdish Democracy Party (the HDP’s successor), neither Öcalan nor the party representatives mentioned Demirtaş at all. The omission was deliberate and telling. By pointedly ignoring Demirtaş, Öcalan signaled that he does not recognize the jailed HDP leader’s legitimacy. It is as if, in Öcalan’s view, only one individual is important to the Kurdish movement – Abdullah Öcalan – and no one else should get ideas above their station. Demirtaş’s very popularity and democratic credibility are seen as threats to Öcalan’s long uncontested role as the Kurds’ singular leader. Thus, keeping Demirtaş sidelined in prison conveniently eliminates a competing voice. In short, the continued imprisonment of Selahattin Demirtaş aligns neatly with Öcalan’s personal interests. Öcalan has never publicly called for Demirtaş’s release, and all indications are that he prefers this charismatic rival remain behind bars. Ankara, by doggedly resisting Demirtaş’s freedom in defiance of ECtHR rulings, is unwittingly doing Öcalan’s bidding. This reality should give pause to Turkish officials: whose agenda is really served by Demirtaş’s prolonged incarceration? Every additional day that Demirtaş languishes in Edirne Prison is a day that Öcalan’s dominance over the Kurdish narrative goes unchallenged. Turkey must ask itself whether it makes sense to hand Öcalan that victory. Democratic Legitimacy vs. Militant Legacy: Who Speaks for the Kurds? Despite Öcalan’s lingering influence over die-hard PKK militants, it is Selahattin Demirtaş who holds far greater sway among ordinary Kurdish citizens and across wider Turkish society. The contrast between the two men’s influence was starkly illustrated during the 2019 Istanbul mayoral election. Öcalan, after years of isolation, was permitted by authorities to send out a surprise message: he called on Kurdish voters and the HDP to stay neutral in the Istanbul vote The Turkish government’s motive in publicizing Öcalan’s letter was transparent – President Erdoğan hoped that Öcalan’s weight might keep Kurdish voters at home, thereby helping his party’s candidate. But that gambit failed. Demirtaş, from his prison cell, had already issued his own call via tweets and letters, urging Kurds to “vote for Ekrem İmamoğlu,” the opposition candidate. The HDP’s base heeded Demirtaş, not Öcalan. Kurdish turnout in Istanbul was robust and overwhelmingly in favor of the opposition. İmamoğlu decisively won the rerun election – a victory credited in no small part to Demirtaş’s appeal galvanizing Kurdish voters. This episode spoke volumes. At the time, Erdoğan openly acknowledged a “serious power struggle” between Öcalan and Demirtaş for the hearts and minds of Kurdish voters. And tellingly, when forced to choose, the Kurds of Istanbul followed the democratic politician who represents their voice in Parliament, not the jailed guerrilla leader on an island. The Kurdish public has tasted the power of the ballot box through Demirtaş and his party, and they are reluctant to give that up. While Öcalan’s words still command…
Turkish prosecutors have escalated a high-profile criminal investigation by issuing an arrest warrant for industrialist Turgay Ciner and placing parts of his conglomerate under state trusteeship. The move extends a…
The United Nations Human Rights Committee has requested further information from Turkey in the case of former civil servant Yusuf Bilge Tunç, who has been missing since August 2019 and…
Turkey’s Defense Ministry has announced that 10 people including a relative of US-based Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen were detained by security forces in western Turkey on Thursday as they attempted…
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